In commemoration of the Historic August 28, 1963 March on Washington we invite you download the March on Washington 50th Anniversary Prayer Walk Guide and Devotional
Author of Pray. Act. Pray Again.: A 40-Day Walk with God (with Dr. Dianne Martin)
From 1 Corinthians 15.10 “But by the grace of God I am what I am, and his grace toward me has not been in vain. On the contrary, I worked harder than any of them—though it was not I but the grace of God that is with me.”
So, I woke up recently with the words, “Not I” on my heart. My search of scripture for that exact phrase revealed twenty places where it is used. Joseph says it to the Pharaoh, the apostles use it to assure Jesus they will not forsake him, and even Judas uses it to deny betraying Jesus. But none of those uses seemed to fit what was in my heart. Then I happened upon the 1 Corinthians quote. During a retreat, members of my staff and I were trying to convey how much we feel it is not what we decide to do that works in the church—but what God does in us. We talked about how we really, at times, need to step aside and be still.
Now in a world that encourages us to “take charge” or “take control” this is complicated. Waiting on the Lord, so to speak, can be used as a way to avoid work. However, listening for God’s way is, in itself, a quiet task of reflection that will, as Paul describes, cause us to work harder. So my wake-up call, so to speak, fits right in with a call to prepare for a Holy Lent. Not I, but Jesus will show us how His time walking to the cross has blessed us. Not I, but Jesus will give us strength to complete this walk with him. Not even we the church will accomplish any ministry if it is not undergirded by the power of God’s most holy Trinity.
So my challenge this day is to embrace the means of grace we receive through the Holy Fellowship of a Community of Faith—understanding that it is “Not We” who do good deeds, but the Power of God in us that enables us to work harder and brings us joy!
Recap Prayer and Challenge: Dear Lord, The church is one of many ways that you deliver your grace to us—help us to know that this work we do is not by our power—but by your power in us. In Jesus’ name we pray. Amen.
I spend a lot of my time focused on what we can do to help our children prepare for success in life. I read a lot of research studies and attend numerous seminars and discussions. One of my great takeaways is this: all children can learn! What they learn is up to us. This may be a simple statement, but it provides a foundation for us to consider how we instill a sense of self-worth into our children, one that is not constrained by race and ethnicity.
One of my favorite television commercials features little toddlers at play. This group of babies represents a wide range of skin tones but the children eagerly reach out, without hesitation, to relate to one another in play. Every time I see this commercial or encounter a similar experience with the children around me, I wonder how we keep the spirit of acceptance alive.
I believe there is merit in stepping back to remember how our attitudes and beliefs about our race are shaped. Step back into your childhood, think for a moment. When did your race or that of others around you begin to matter to you? How has that impacted your life? How can we improve the attitudes and beliefs about race for the next generation? I invite you to remember our children and to do your part to help insure this world is the kind of world they deserve.
My gift to you this day is this wonderful poem by Dorothy Law Nolte.
May the grace of God be with all the children whose lives you are blessed to touch.
Children Learn What They Live
By Dorothy Law Nolte, Ph.D.
If children live with criticism, they learn to condemn.
If children live with hostility, they learn to fight.
If children live with fear, they learn to be apprehensive.
If children live with pity, they learn to feel sorry for themselves.
If children live with ridicule, they learn to feel shy.
If children live with jealousy, they learn to feel envy.
If children live with shame, they learn to feel guilty.
If children live with encouragement, they learn confidence.
If children live with tolerance, they learn patience.
If children live with praise, they learn appreciation.
If children live with acceptance, they learn to love.
If children live with approval, they learn to like themselves.
If children live with recognition, they learn it is good to have a goal.
If children live with sharing, they learn generosity.
If children live with honesty, they learn truthfulness.
If children live with fairness, they learn justice.
If children live with kindness and consideration, they learn respect.
If children live with security, they learn to have faith in themselves and in those about them.
If children live with friendliness, they learn the world is a nice place in which to live.
Copyright © 1972 by Dorothy Law Nolte
By Rev. Arnette L. Georges, Esq.
Rev. Copeland-Tune’s article, Hoodies, Skittles and a Plea for Justice, was complete in every respect, but I thought we could all benefit from a cursory legal analysis of the Trayvon Martin case, thus I offer this postscript.
I am not a parent, but I consider myself to be a guardian to every child that has been left in my care, whether it was during the Sunday school or Children’s Church hours at my local place of worship, in classrooms of higher learning, or in my living room as the children of friends or family came to visit. Thus, it is likely that I know the next Trayvon Martin; he may be my brother, nephew, cousin or even my father. The next Trayvon Martin is the next young Black man who will be murdered, assaulted, or detained not because he committed a crime or was engaging in gang activity, but simply because of the amount of melanin in his skin. Like Rev. Copeland-Tune, I am outraged that George Zimmerman remains a free man and that the Sanford police are hiding behind the cloak of the Stand Your Guard law  to justify their decision not to arrest him. While Rev. Copeland-Tune has addressed the matter from the point-of-view of a mother and a concerned citizen, at the crux of this matter—the reason why we believe justice has not been served—is a legal issue. What is the scope of Florida’s Stand Your Ground law.
As a lawyer, I question whether Zimmerman’s use of deadly force was justified under Florida’s Stand Your Ground law? And, whether the Sanford police are, in fact, legally prohibited from arresting Mr. Zimmerman? In the aftermath of Trayvon Martin’s murder, many have called for the repeal of the Florida’s Stand Your Ground law. I am not convinced that the law needs to be repealed. I believe that it should be re-examined and perhaps amended.
Florida’s Stand Your Ground law was enacted in 2005, in the aftermath of several hurricanes where there was significant looting. The case under consideration at the time involved a property owner, acting in self-defense in his home; he shot and killed a perpetrator. Because this law did not exist, it took several months before a decision was made as to his innocence or guilt . The law is an extension of the Castle Doctrine—we know that theory as a man’s home is his castle and he has a right to protect himself in it without fear of prosecution . Since the Castle Doctrine is not a law, it only has persuasive value. Prior to the Stand Your Ground law, residents of Florida were required to retreat before using deadly force, unless they were in their homes. The Stand Your Ground law had the effect of extending one’s “castle” to include any place where a person has a right to be and of removing the requirement to retreat before using deadly force to prevent imminent death or great bodily harm . Florida’s law was the first of its kind. Today, there are twenty other states that have similar laws, but none is as broad as Florida’s. The person who is covered under Florida’s Stand Your Ground law is justified in using deadly force, i.e. is immune from criminal prosecution and civil action, unless (1) the person against whom force was used is a law enforcement officer, acting in his or her official capacity, w ho identified himself or herself as such, or (2) the person using force knew or reasonably should have known that the person was a law enforcement officer. The law considers criminal prosecution to include arresting, detaining in custody, and charging or prosecuting the person employing deadly force.
A person who is not engaged in an unlawful activity and who is attacked in any other place where he or she has a right to be has no duty to retreat and has the right to stand his or her ground and meet force with force .
Based on the language above, to be justified, the following factors must be present: the person seeking the protection of this law (a) must not have been engaged in an unlawful activity; and (b) must be responding to an aggressor’s use of force, i.e. meet force with force. And, such person is only permitted to use deadly force “if he or she reasonably believes it is necessary to do so to prevent death or great bodily harm to himself or herself or another or to prevent the commission of a forcible felony.” The law generally excludes from its coverage, a person who uses deadly force while committing or after committing a felony or a person who initially provokes the use of force against himself or someone else. This section of the law is captioned Home protection; use of deadly force; presumption of fear of death or great bodily harm, suggesting that it was intended to apply to dwelling places, even if that dwelling place is not the person’s actual home. It should not be read broadly, as it appears to have been done in this case, to apply to areas of public ingress and egress where Trayvon Martin had as much of a right to be as did Zimmerman.
I probably could be persuaded that Zimmerman’s use of deadly force was justified if this was simply a case of he said (Zimmerman) vs. he said (Trayvon Martin), where one of the parties is unavailable to give his side of the story because he is dead and the only available evidence was the report provided by Zimmerman. Although I would doubt the accuracy of that report, I would understand that based on the presumptions under the Stand Your Ground Law—that you have a right to defend yourself—law enforcement would be required to give Zimmerman the benefit of the doubt and afford him the immunity he currently enjoys. No doubt, under those facts, we would still be outraged, the traditional activists for social justice would have spoken out, but it is unlikely that the story would have made national news. Thankfully, there are other witnesses, although they were not eyewitnesses. There are the 911 calls, community members who heard both the cries for help and the gunshots, and the testimony of Trayvon Martin’s friend who was speaking to him on his cell phone at the time of the incident. The 911 calls establish that Zimmerman’s use of deadly force was not in response to an attack by Trayvon Martin. Zimmerman informed the 911 dispatcher that he was pursuing Trayvon. Zimmerman provides additional descriptive information, but importantly, he never said that Trayvon Martin was threatening or attacking him. As you listen to the 911 call, it appears that the only reason that Trayvon appears suspicious is because he is wearing a hoodie and is Black. In response to Zimmerman’s report, the 911 dispatcher advises him to stop following Trayvon. Trayvon Martin would be alive today if Zimmerman had only heeded the dispatcher’s instructions.
In addition to Zimmerman’s own call to 911, community members also called. They advised the dispatcher that they were hearing screams for help; in fact, those cries for help can be heard as you listen to the calls. The voice heard crying for help was not that of Zimmerman, it was the voice of a terrified young Black man, helpless and in an unfamiliar neighborhood, being pursued by a man who considers being Black to be suspicious. Who, it appears, has a penchant for calling 911 when he sees a Black person in his neighborhood. Finally, the police report [6,7] indicates that Zimmerman’s shirt was wet and had grass on it and his face and the back of his head were bruised. In recent media accounts, Zimmerman is reported as stating that Trayvon Martin attacked him from the back, they engaged in a tussle of some sort and Trayvon Martin was on top of him when he shot Trayvon. Assuming for the moment that Zimmerman’s statements are true, at best they reflect a fist fight, during which Trayvon produced no weapons or did anything that would lead Zimmerman to develop a fear of imminent death or grave bodily harm. In my view, these facts are not sufficient to warrant the use of deadly force under Florida’s Stand Your Ground law—the use of deadly force must be necessary to prevent one’s death or great bodily harm. The Sanford police would l likely argue there were sufficient facts to invoke the protection of the Stand Your Ground law, based on Zimmerman’s statements and the fact that he needed and received medical attention before being taken to the police station, but to read the law that broadly would mean that anytime two people have a fight in public space, either of them has the right to pull a gun and end the other person’s life without fear of arrest or prosecution. That clearly could not be the intent of the law.
Florida’s Stand Your Ground law recognizes that there are some instances when the use of force is not justified. This law does not protect criminals nor, in most instances, first aggressors. The first aggressor provision has an exception. The first aggressor can get immunity if he or she can establish that his or her use of deadly force or infliction of great bodily harm was a last resort, i.e. the person seeking immunity had exhausted every reasonable means to escape the danger. In this case, the 911 tapes establish that in some respects, Zimmerman was the first aggressor. The law considers the first aggressor to be the one that first uses force. This provision should be amended to consider the first aggressor to be the person who initiated the circumstance that led to the violence—in this case Zimmerman’s decision to follow Trayvon Martin, despite the 911 dispatcher’s instructions to the contrary. If Zimmerman was deemed a first aggressor, the law would have required that he exhaust every reasonable means to escape the danger before brandishing and using his weapon. Alternatively, Section 776.041 of the law should be amended to exclude from immunity a person who employs deadly force in locations outside of the home, without attempting to use non-deadly sources to defend himself or herself, when a deadly weapon is not clearly visible. Some may argue, and rightfully so, that this amendment is not necessary because the law already provides that deadly force is not justified unless the person fears is that his or her death is imminent, which can never be the case if the aggressor is unarmed, but I think the amendment is needed to establish that fear of imminent death is not reasonable unless and until you see a deadly weapon.
Finally, although I am not a gun advocate, I am not opposed to Stand Your Ground laws. I admit that I would prefer that these laws simply mirror the Castle Doctrine, but I understand, given the ever-increasing levels of criminal activity in and around our homes, the need for the expansion to “any other place where he or she has a right to be”. A literal reading of the Florida’s Stand Your Ground law demonstrates that it was not intended to justify every use of force, including deadly force. Section 776.013 of the law limits the use of force to “meet force with force,” which I interpret to mean with the same measure it is inflicted upon you, you have the right to inflict force against your aggressor. It also employs a reasonableness standard—the person employing the deadly force must reasonably believe it is necessary to protect his or her life or prevent great bodily harm. Reasonableness will be determined by a totality of the circumstances. Section 776.013, titled Home Protection; Use of Deadly Force; Presumption of Fear of Death or Great Bodily Harm, uses the phrase “any other place where he or she has a right to be”, which I believe was intended to be applied only to dwelling places as the caption suggests. This is reinforced by the existence of the prior Section of the law (§776.012), titled Use of Force in Defense of Person, which would apply to all other cases, and which authorizes the use of non-deadly force and limits the use of deadly force to when one reasonably believes it is necessary to prevent imminent death or great bodily harm. Thus, if Florida’s law was applied correctly it would only grant immunity when the use of deadly force was clearly warranted. Under that interpretation, George Zimmerman would not have the benefit of immunity from arrest and prosecution.
In sum, Florida’s Stand Your Ground law was not intended to apply to situations where the person seeking immunity was the aggressor, even if the aggression was not violent (following Martin despite the 911 dispatcher’s instructions). The law was not intended to apply in situations where the victim posed no reasonable threat and did not threaten or harm the person seeking immunity. Here, section 776.013 is being read too broadly in order to grant Zimmerman rights he does not deserve—that section should only apply to dwelling spaces. Notwithstanding, regardless of which section of the law you apply to these facts, Zimmerman cannot claim that he feared imminent death or great bodily harm—Trayvon Martin was unarmed; the only things in his possession were a cell phone, a bottle of iced tea and a bag of skittles. He weighed significantly less than Mr. Zimmerman. He was on foot, while Zimmerman was in a vehicle. Trayvon ran to try to escape Zimmerman, but Zimmerman continued to pursue him. Trayvon cried for help, repeatedly, but no one was brave enough to come to his aid. Consequently, Zimmerman’s actions were not precipitated by an imminent fear of death or great bodily harm. Yet, the Florida police would like us to believe that the Stand Your Ground law precludes them from arresting George Zimmerman. I refuse to believe that.
 Interestingly enough, the officer making this report also admitted that when he arrived on the scene, having notice a boy faced down on the grass, he did not check to see if Trayvon Martin was alive—he was not one of the officers who participated in administering CPR.
By Rev. Leslie Copeland-Tune, D.Min.
I have a son. He is 12 years old. He is handsome, sweet and kind-hearted. He has a great sense of humor, is a good student, a sports fanatic and an avid reader. He is a Christian and loves a good sermon. He also enjoys imitating whooping in the Black Church tradition. He dreams of playing basketball in the NBA and then becoming a lawyer, a sportscaster or a preacher (he hasn’t decided which just yet). He says please and thank you, shakes people’s hands and looks them in the eyes when he’s talking to them. Well, at least most of the time. He has good manners and good home training. I’ve tried to make sure of this because he is my son, I am his mother and that’s what mothers do. Especially mothers who live with the daily reality and fear that in spite of all the good things about him, he is a target. You see, he is an African American boy living in a country where he is unfairly judged by the color of his skin. He is treated like a criminal, not because he engages in criminal activity, but just because he is. When he goes to the store or when he’s at a restaurant; when he is expressing his sense of humor or doing the things that boys do, some people treat him as if there is something wrong with him—as if he needs Ritalin or some other medication that will make him “calm down” while his counterparts of a lighter hue run and jump and play and make jokes and misbehave and are smiled at and encouraged. But he’s just a boy. A smart boy. A handsome boy. A boy with dreams. A boy who loves, cares, enjoys life and the things that boys enjoy. Like skittles and iced tea…and hoodies. He is not unlike Trayvon Martin. And, every time I think about what happened to Trayvon, it brings me to tears and mourning and lamentation. Because in a surreal way, Trayvon is my son, too, and someone murdered my child.
You see, Trayvon’s story is every mother’s nightmare come true. It keeps us up some nights. It’s what we worry about when they take too long at the store or are late coming in from riding their bike or playing with friends. It is particularly every African American woman’s nightmare. But unlike bad dreams, this is a nightmare we have lived before, a recurring nightmare that we have had to live over and over again. It is our history. It is our past. It is our present. It is our reality. And, if we don’t do something soon, it will be our future, our tomorrow.
Trayvon’s assassination catapults me back to a time and place and a way of life that I had hoped was behind us. Now, I’m not so naïve as to think that racism no longer exists because we have an African American President, but I just didn’t imagine we would still have to bury our sons, brutally beaten or murdered, simply because of the color of their skin. I mean, come on! It validates and encourages my fear that every time my child is not within eyesight of me; he is potentially in danger because of someone’s hatred of him. It reminds me that no matter how wonderful he is, no matter how smart, no matter how hard I work to keep him out of trouble and to make sure he has a good head on his shoulders, that someone might just look at his beautiful, chocolate-colored skin and feel threatened. Not by him or anything he has done. At less than 80 lbs. wet, he struggles to gain enough weight to play football. But, some racist person or some law enforcement officer might mistake something he does, deem him a threat and take his life. The life that God gave him through me. The life that God plans to use for God’s purposes. Someone may decide that they have the right to kill him and then go without prosecution or consequence for this evil act. I realize this and I grieve and mourn and I am afraid.
But, I’m also mad as hell. I’m also outraged and beside myself with righteous indignation. While it is disheartening, tragic and agonizing to hear about, to think about, what happened to Trayvon; it is also an indictment on the character of a nation that does not always practice what it preaches. That is sometimes more immoral than moral, and more unjust than just, especially as it pertains to crimes committed against people of color.
Trayvon’s death is more than a tragedy. It is more than an unfortunate situation. It is our line in the sand. At least, it should be. How can we accept less than justice and jail time for George Zimmerman? There are no excuses or rationales that justify his vigilante-style execution of Trayvon Martin, returning to the home of his dad’s friend from the store with a pack of skittles and a bottle of iced tea. Zimmerman indicted him as a criminal because he wore a hoodie—a sweatshirt—and ended his life. Our response to this atrocity will show our humanity and how far we’ve come in addressing bigotry and hatred…and racism. I am hopeful that the U.S. Department of Justice, working with state and local officials, will do the right thing—the moral thing, the just thing. If they do not, I pray that we will not stop demanding justice until justice is served.
In the meantime, I am on a mission to buy hoodies, skittles and iced tea and to get ready for the fight. To march and to disrupt, to boycott and to protest, and to find ways to stand for righteousness; to stand for Trayvon and every boy and girl, man and woman, son and daughter, just like him.
“Injustice anywhere is a threat to justice everywhere.” ~Martin Luther King Jr.
“ But let justice roll down like water, and righteousness like a mighty stream.” ~Amos 5:24
“If My people who are called by My name will humble themselves, and pray and seek My face, and turn from their wicked ways, then I will hear from heaven, and will forgive their sin and heal their land.” 2 Chronicles 7:14.